Monday, January 27, 2020

The Development Of Mass Tourism Mallorca Tourism Essay

The Development Of Mass Tourism Mallorca Tourism Essay Balearic Islands with total area of 5,014 km consist of four islands which are 2 by Formentera, 11 by Eivissa, 14 by Menorca and 73 by Mallorca (Bull 1997, 140). Mallorca is the largest island of the Balearic archipelago with 555km of the total coast length of the island (Garcia and Servera 2003, 288) which covered for nearly three quarters of the land with approximately 3640 km ² in Balearic Island. The climate of Mallorca is typically Mediterranean with moderate average temperatures. During the summer, the dry and warm season takes place. The average annual rainfalls are 625 mm, with average temperature 16 °C and 17 °C except in the high mountain (Guijarro 1986). With its favorable climate, extensive coastline and beautiful beaches it have lured visitors coming over for many centuries. In 1950s the development of tourism increasingly creates an opportunity to the local in generating additional jobs and income. On the other side it has resulted in a large flux of immigrants from Iberian Peninsula to Mallorca. At the same time when the tourism industry developed, the local economy became dependent on this source of revenue. Consequently, in 1955 there is 30 of the population was working for the sector however in 1996 it was almost 76 (Garcia and Servera 2003, 288). The development of Mass Tourism (Mallorca) Definition of Mass tourism Burkart and Medlik (1974, 42) states Mass tourism is essentially a quantitative notion, based on the proportion of the population participating in tourism or on the volume of tourist activity. However, in the context of Bramwell (2004) relate it to tourism industrys large-scale replication of standardized holiday packages combining accommodation and transport to cater large numbers of people from diverse social groups. Basically both definitions have pointed out the key element of mass tourism that is all about large volume and large scale of replication production with local participation involvement to cater vast numbers of visitors. Since 1950s tourism in Mallorca has closely aligned with a standard mass holiday package aimed at a very price-sensitive of European tourist (Aguilo et al. 2005, 221). Having such characteristic of the climate, sun and beach is perfectly match with the mass tourist who in search of hot weather and suntan within the framework of a rigidly packaged holiday. Butlers life cycle of Mallorca Exploration involvement stage-1930s The butlers lifecycle model (1980), describes a tourist destination from the exploration to development up to stagnation and decline phases can be best apply in the destination of Mallorca from the growth stage to post-stagnation stage. In the period of exploration and involvement stages tourism takes place in Mallorca act merely as an instrument for stimulating cultural and intellectual activity (Bull 1997, 141). Early development stage 1955s When it comes to 1955 Mallorca Island is in development stage where mass tourism started to grow during that period. There was a re-establishment of the tourist board that have significantly change the tourism on the island whereby the tourism become more very much linked with the development of package holidays and mass tourism from the growing markets in western and northern Europe (Pearce 1991 and Williams 1997). However in 1959, Spanish government took the initiate to simplify the procedure of visiting the country in order to modernize the economy by gaining overseas revenue through (Stabilisation Act of 1959). The numbers of visitors started to growth constantly in early 1960s, majority of the visitors were dominated from UK and Germany in large volumes concentrated especially during summer season (Clark 1988) (Figure 1). Consolidation stage-1980s-1990s Between 1960s-1980s the consequences from the boom of international tourism to Mallorca, it led to an increasing resort development along the coastline. Most of the island began from the rapid growth of inexpensive package holidays in the 1960s. However in the late of 1970s, many buildings, resorts and apartments were built in order to cater large numbers of visitors and growing number of the populations. Majority of these early resorts were portrayed by standard apartment building architecture, short of appropriate infrastructure and lack of planning, which lead to the consolidation stages. Buswell (1996, 321) described the growth of tourist resolution on Mallorca as unplanned and piecemeal, even chaotic. Later, stricter planning laws was set up in 1980s and 1990s against the problem that arisen. Subsequently Mallorca managed to maintain its good reputation with tourists, particularly from UK and Germany moreover constantly attracts about 10 m visitors per year (Buswell 1996 and Gov ernment Balear 2003) Stagnation and Decline stage-1990s-2000s In late 1990s, environmental pressures begin to emerge in Mallorca regarding to the issue such as water shortages, climate change, overcrowding, and over commercialization as well as anti-social behavior by its visitors. This eventually causes an overall of decline in number of visitors arrive to its destination. In provisions of destination life cycle dynamics, the tourism product of Mallorca was beginning to stagnate and decline and required management planning and policy intervention to bring about its rejuvenation (Butler, 1980). Development of Mass tourism in Calvia, Mallorca Calvià ¡ is a municipality of Mallorca which is also one of the largest tourism receiving areas. It accounted about one third of the total flow of tourists to Balearic Islands. It covers 145 km ² and has a coastal strip of 56 Km of beaches and cliffs which caused it absolutely suitable destination for mass tourism. It offers accommodation for 120,000 bedspaces and with approximately up to 1.6 million visitors a year (Aguilo, Algere and Sard, 2005). Furthermore, with its location in tiny distance from the airport of Palma creates an easily accessible to the visitors. The population of the resident increased from 3000 in habitants during 1960 up to 30,000 in the late nineties (Dodds 2007). Since 19th century, tourism began to be as main economic activity of its island (Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, 2005). Tourism development in Calvià ¡ boomed in the 1960s and has been based on short-term economic gain. As Aguilo et al. (2005) states, it was one of the first municipalities to experience negative effects of mass tourism. Lack of planning regulations resulted in urban sprawl and lack of environmental regard, similar to many Mediterranean resorts. The model of tourism development in Mallorca has been based on short-term interest, unlimited building out of tune with local conditions, and an unsustainable exploitation of exceptional natural resources. Tourist development took place in 1960s to 1980s and was hasty and unplanned. Economy In economic point of view, tourism is important as it create job opportunities, infrastructure development as well as foreign exchange. The unemployment rate is much lower than national average (Ministerio de Trabajo 2005) as there are about 31,793 people employed in restaurant-bars, 2057 involved in transportation rental, 483 in supermarkets, 398 people employed in souvenir shops and with 1,684 works in other tourist facilities. Meanwhile 1,402 involved in beach business and 18,003 are involved in providing tourist activities. In Calvià ¡ it was estimated about 61749 vacancies in terms of providing tourist activities (Molz 2004). It has 30 higher income per capital of national and 5 higher of E.U. levels (Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda 2005). Looking at these figures it becomes absolutely obvious 85 of Balearic Islands GNP is from tourist industry, and tourism is the main source of income for the city of Calvià ¡ whereby economy is completely reliant upon it. From the statistics numbers given, it can be conclude that there is high number of labour force joining the labour market, the tourist monoculture especially during the peak seasonal pattern, labour with a low salary system, and pressure of work during high season (Local Agenda 21 2001). Socio culture impact While tourism provides certain economic benefits to a region in any case in the short term, however it does causes annoyance to the local way of life. To the locals the concerns may derive due to the unfulfilled promises, disruption of a traditional way of life, insufficiency of employment opportunities or frustration with the economic changes which came with mass tourism development. Before tourism takes place, Calvià ¡ was fundamentally a poor and rural area with little outside contact and general history of emigration with its own language and culture of Catalan roots (Ruzza 2004). However tourism has wholly altered these features; a vast number of immigration from the Spanish peninsula arrived to fulfill the demand for labour created by the growth of mass tourism, particularly in the building industry and the hotel business. Consequent to that the temporary immigrant population, has gradually turn into resident, eventually this causes the loss of cultural identity, conflict over language issues, and lack of social integration within local and immigrant population and tiny participation in local social life. Although Calvià ¡ is Spains richest municipality and one of the richest in Europe, it has the lowest level of education in Spain which itself the lowest in Europe (Ayuntament de Calvià ¡ 1995). Besides, most of employments given for waiters and house cleaner which did not trained by a professional skilled. Consequences of too many visitors Reason tourist choose Calvià ¡ as holiday destination The persistence of the sun and sand model (2005, 222), describes that the reason induces tourists to choose the particular sun and sand destination include the climate of 76.2, the beaches (51.2), the price (36.4), and the quality of the hotels (22.2). Among all, climate is the fundamental reason followed by the beaches which induces tourists for choosing such destination. As a result Calvià ¡ received a growing number of visitors who travel to a mass tourism holiday destination attracted by the climate, sun and beaches. Calvià ¡ were seen as a model based on value, in terms of price competition it has lure many visitors especially from UK and German with it standardization of the holiday experience (CIITIB, 2002). Social impact For the local point of view, visitors seem to utilize the physical environment from the local however the profit that generated from the visitors are not share with the local community. Thus it creates undesirable impacts on livelihoods without sharing benefits with the local people who bear the cost of both human and natural environment. Eventually conflicts arise among local populations with vast number of visitors as they need to compete for limited use of resources such as water, sanitation, energy and land uses. In point of tourist view it is frequently recapitulate with the statements with this used to be a paradise but now it is ruined because of overcrowding, over commercialization or overdevelopment. The mass tourism tackiness and the variety of problems experienced in Calvià ¡ have too often formed blemish alongside beautiful natural scenery; crowded with vast numbers of tourists as if they were many cattle; ruined traditional cultures and occupational patterns by creating a insidious tourism industry portrayed as low paying jobs service and manipulative values; without concerning the needs of local citizens and the community values that were inconsistent with pragmatic economic requirements of the tourism industry. Environmental impact The risen numbers of visitors and residents have immense environmental pressure in Calvià ¡. As mentioned in butlers life cycle, Mallorca was in the period of stagnation in 1990s may lay on the line by rising of environmental pressure mainly due to water shortages and climatic change. Inadequate water supply The issue of inadequate water supply especially during peak period and summer season, water supplies is aggravated by visitors flows for use in hotels, swimming pools and golf course. According to the statistic documented in 1995, the water consumption by visitors amounted of 160 liters per day whereby resident is only 130 liters. High demand in energy consumption The annual consumption of primary energy in Calvià ¡ amount to 72,000 TEP per year of which only 2 is renewable. However, the consumption per day was 6.47 kwh and visitors stay one night in hotel the consumption amounted to 2.14 kwh (Dodds 2007). Pollution by Transports Of 1,400,000 tones emission of carbon dioxide, 58 is due to transporting tourist in and out of Mallorca. In Calvià ¡ 1995 statistic, visitors are the major causes of traffic congestion where of 70 million journeys 50 million were from visitors. Urban waste In 1995 Calvià ¡ produced 41000 tons of urban waste with roughly 1.25 kg per day by the resident however 1kg per visitors a day. Moreover there is a limited option for disposal. The production of wastewater and solid waste in visitor areas often surpass the carrying capacity of local infrastructure due the high seasonal demand. Deterioration of the Land use Building development in Calvià ¡ has been excessive with mass occupation of sandy beaches and important enclaves along the rocky coastline (Pappas 2007). With over 60 of Calvià ¡ region was caused by soil erosion. However land area was reducing drastically because of urbanization. Furthermore, as a result of urbanization, quarries and waste dumps were increasing. Forest fires also sparked further destruction of the land. According to an accounting of the distribution of the entire area of Calvià ¡ made by Schmitt (Molz 2004) in 1991 the build-up-area has quadrupled in the years from 1968 to 1991 (+311.6). However 57 of archaeological heritage were at high risk of deterioration. Overcrowded beach Almost 80 of the analyzed cases show overcrowding despite an urban beach or natural beach. There is a strong seasonal concentration of visitors between June and September because of the demand for sun and beaches. Subsequently this led to overcrowded beach with less than 6 m ² of beach surface per person with increasing anthropogenic pressure over the coastal zone (Garcia and Jaume 2003, 287). Solution Calvià ¡ is an example of a mass tourism destination which, from a result of tourism pressure in the late 1980s, faced significant economic, social and environmental decline. As mentioned by Butler (1993) tourism is an activity because of its reliance upon the maintenance of natural environment and natural processes, should lent itself toward sustainable development. Therefore, sustainable development must always be tourisms main objective. Without natural environment and natural processes there would not be any tourism activity at all. In the case of Calvià ¡ the decrease of tourism numbers and Balearic Island as a whole driven regulations and efforts to move towards addressing the problems of the degradation of the environment, deterioration of social systems and facilities and the threat of further tourism decline. Definition of Planning and Policy Mass tourism is a key issue in the global tourism industry, may it be in Mallorca or Brazil or Iceland. The word MASS alone brings about one fear: mass-destruction. Without careful tourism planning, it brings about unseen consequences that can make tourism destroying tourism become a reality and nightmare. By looking at the definition of planning is extremely ambiguous and difficult to define. Chadwick (1971, 24) states that planning is a process of human thought with an action based upon the thought in point of fact, forethought, thought for the future, nothing more or less than this is planning. Meanwhile Hall (2008, 90) supported Chadwicks ideas to conclude that most important aspect of planning is that it is directed towards the future. However, planning cannot be accomplished without policy because it is closely related terms. Wilkinson (1997) linked planning and policy by stating planning is a course of action, whereas policy is the implementation of the planned course of action. Planning and policy in the case of Calvià ¡ Calvià ¡ Plan for tourist Excellent 1990 The plan was developed in 1990 as to target the threat of decline. It comes along with the Balearic Autonomous community in cooperation with the municipalities as to modernize, improve and diversify the tourism. This plan included building clearance to regain open space, try to counterbalance the seasonal nature of tourism and training and employment. However this plan is mainly focused on the industry supply side instead of sustainability of the destination and host community did not involve at all. As a result, it did not attempt to overcome the growing issues that have arisen. Calvià ¡ Local Agenda 21 (LA21) 1995 At the end of 1994, the Town council of Calvià ¡, together with a range of working groups, drew up the Local Agenda 21 for Calvià ¡ as a long term strategies integrated with economic, social, territorial and environment actions. In formulating LA21 in 1995 and Action Plan in 1997, the Municipality of Calvià ¡ actively involved the support of local community, all the stakeholders, NGO as well as national and EU governments. The key objectives for LA21 Calvià ¡ concentrating on entering a new way of life based on sustainable and participatory urban and tourism planning; emphasize environmental management of the destination, look for for agreement and consensus with social representatives, control development and act for more stable employment in the area. (Calvià ¡ Agenda Local 21, Mallorca, Spain 2004). In 1998 New Balearic Law in Calvià ¡ was set out as to limit accommodation growth, restore existing hotels and to protect 40 of natural areas. The objectives of the LA21 comprises of 10 strategic lines of action and 40 initiatives. Key results that have been achieved since the implementation of Calvià ¡s 1997 plan The LA21 Action Plan which were set out in 1997 were seems to have improvement in a general movement toward sustainability within the region and as Calvià ¡ is fairly autonomous, it was able to adopt and implement many initiatives without the need for collaboration from higher government. Among those key results that have been achieved since the implementation of the LA21 action plan are stated below: Planning and Regeneration Decline of 200 bed without raise in number of hotels and apartments 1993-2002-about 30 building clearance plan actions including actual building demolition and purchase of urban plots as to prevent further construction were carried out Demolished buildings on more than 13,500m ² of the total surface area Upgraded area in Magaluf Palma Nova tourist area with pedestrian zones and planting tree as to improve quality of the area. In Paseo de Calvià ¡ 32 km cycling and walking path was built Environmental instruments Tax was imposing on water consumption for conservation with awareness campaigns on promoting its use. The recycling urban waste reduction plans successfully separated 70 of the urban waste at origin, assisting by reducing cost of recycling effort, minimizing land fill. Sea dredging which used to generate beaches has been terminated while measures on environmental friendly were put in place to minimize erosion. New regulation for limiting anchor damage harbor congestion cause by boats Protect wild life ecosystems with the establishment of Marine Park terrestrial protected areas. Economic instruments Impose an eco-tax in 2002 by Balearic Government as to carry out Calvià ¡ council rehabilitation and regenerative projects. Voluntary instruments Renovation programmes for hotels, tourist accommodation and tourist facilities established to upgrade quality and attract a higher yield tourist Socio cultural instruments Programmes to combat crime, housing and other social issues Multi-cultural and social programmes such as dance, underwater photography and language classes established to help integrate immigrants into Mallorquin culture. Calvià ¡ has been recognized internationally for its efforts conclusion Calvià ¡ 2.0 The development of mass tourism in Calvia, Mallorca. 2.1 Definition of Mass Tourism

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Linguistic Changes of an Individual in Migration Essay

Introduction and Overview of Topic: As the world becomes increasingly globalised, we observe a rising trend where individuals migrate for educational and economic opportunities. The prestige of being educated in a highly ranked university and the prospects of higher paying jobs are definitely important pull factors for both internal and international migration (Welch, 1970). When people move, they also transfer the use of their existing linguistic repertoire to their host country. However, what might have been effective at home might be interpreted differently when placed in different socioeconomic contexts. Hence, the relative value of linguistic repertoire one possesses and how mobile are one’s language skills in the world determines how a migrant interacts with a new community. Consequently, this paper seeks to provide insight on how the relative value of linguistic resources affects one’s mobility and decisions in community interactions. Drawing on Blommaert’s study on the sociolinguistics of globalisation, this discussion will focus on how an individual’s linguistic repertoire is being used to one’s advantage within the community. It also highlights the changes which occur when one attempts to transfer the same linguistic repertoire as the shift to a place of varying cultural and linguistic ability. As Blommaert suggests, â€Å"placed resources are resources that are functional in one particular place but can become dysfunctional as soon as they are moved to other places† (Blommaert, 2003). Essentially, this essay seeks to expound on the changes of one’s linguistic repertoire and how it affects one’s interactions with new communities resulting from migration. Linguistic repertoire refers to linguistic varieties acquired by an individual to different degrees of proficiency and for different uses (Crystal, 1990). The acquisition of linguistic repertoire thus extends not only to the procurement of different types of language codes like English and Hindi, but also the speech styles and genres within each language. In light of this definition, this paper chooses to trace how one’s use of language repertoire might change in the context of internal migration and  international migration. With this in mind, a migrant from India who experienced both types of migration was chosen. India boasts twenty-two official languages as per the Constitution of India, where English is determined as the secondary official language and is used as lingua franca throughout India. Within the context of this paper, the experiences of the migrant serve to provide personal insight on language mobility within the transmigrational arena. Research methodology and background of interviewee  With this in mind, a fifty minute interview was carried out on 16th October 2012 to gather substantial data in order to provide a comparison between internal and international migration. The sole participant is Joshua Cherian, aged 24 who is currently pursuing a postgraduate education in Singapore. He was born and raised in Kerala, Southern India, after which he moved to Jamshedpur, Northern India to pursue a tertiary education before working in New Delhi. He was taught English at a young age and learnt Hindi during university, while his mother tongue is Malayalam. During the interview, questions were asked ranging from the interviewee’s experiences of language acquisition and his experiences in India and Singapore to language policies in India. Utilising his personal insights on adapting to different communities and observing it through the concepts provided in Blommaert’s study, the relative value of linguistic repertoire consequently becomes more obvious not only from country to country but also within different areas of the community. Language repertoire in internal migration. Within India, it is said to have a de-facto three plus minus one language policy. Those who neither speak the language of the state nor the two official languages, English and Hindi, now have to grapple with learning four languages in order to pass the school systems and secure jobs within the modern sector (Laitin. D, 1989). Consequently, many people who migrate in the pursuit of education or jobs find it necessary to expand their language repertoire in order to compete for the chance of upward socioeconomic mobility within India. Joshua notes that: â€Å"There is a divide between the corporate world and industrial world, where managers and people in multinational companies speak in english, but those in manufacturing speak Hindi in work. In the north of India everyone speaks Hindi, so I had to learn Hindi. When I worked in Delhi, I spoke mostly Hindi in my workplace, because I am a manager of labourers and those who just passed tenth standard, they just need to make something so they don’t need English. People who do software need to interact with clients overseas, so it is important for them to speak English. † Due the demands of his job, Joshua was required to expand his language repertoire to include fluent Hindi in order to communicate with his subordinates effectively. Although English could have sufficed in interacting with white-collar professionals, learning Hindi would have enabled Joshua to ensure a smooth running of operations that he was in charge with. As such, it is observed that migrants tend to expand their language repertoire within internal migration according to which languages are most functional within their community. Furthermore, an expansion of linguistic repertoire also affects one’s interaction the community. As immigrants acquire proficiency in more languages, there is a tendency to broaden their participation in various communities within the area that they have settled in. This is especially evident in Joshua’s recount: â€Å"In India you would have to know many languages in order to fit into different communities. University students will use English because it is prestigious. It shows you are well educated. Outside of the education system, everyone speaks their own dialect or their own state language. I used to hang out with many friends when I was studying in Jamshedpur who came from all over India. I also managed to become my student governing body’s president, so speaking the many languages helped me reach out to a lot of people. † Even though migrants who migrate within their home country experience a new environment, there are common cultural familiarities that they can relate to by being in the same country. Naturally, this allows them to assimilate into the communities easily since they already share similar cultural and national identities. Rather, this pre-existing factor enables immigrants like Joshua to interact with different groups of people. Such a preference is also extremely beneficial to an individual within a new community as they are able to called upon a large network of acquaintances should they need help in the future. Hence, the broadening of one’s interaction with many communities would be positively correlated to the acquisition of language repertoire because both serve the same purpose of helping the migrant assimilate well into the new environment they are in. Language Repertoire in International Migration In contrast to internal migration, one’s use of language repertoire might decrease across different geographical spaces. It is noted that international migration denotes a shift to a foreign culture in which the values placed upon certain languages is different from one’s original country. As such, many migrants would utilise a language within their repertoire that is widely used in the world. Joshua relates his experience moving from India to Singapore: â€Å"When I first arrived in Singapore, everything was easy for me to get used to because I was already proficient in English. Even if I needed help, I could just approach anyone and they would reply me in English. I don’t even Hindi anymore because the friends and people I meet with speak only in English. Perhaps it is because there are so many races here so communication needs to be in a common language. Although I have friends from India here, they never speak in their mother tongue! Everyone would rather speak in English than Hindi! Despite Joshua’s extensive language repertoire, he only speaks in English in Singapore, thereby showing a decrease in language repertoire employed in daily life. In most cases of international migration, migrants often move from the ‘periphery’ to the ‘core’ of the world system. As one attempts to transfer one’s language repertoire from one country to another, the languages employed more frequently within the core global system would be more mobile compared to other languages. In particular, because Singapore is a multi-racial community, it requires English as a lingua franca in order to achieve cohesiveness and efficiency. Consequently, rather than expanding one’s linguistic repertoire to gain access to every community, a migrant in Singapore need only focus on speaking proficient English, which subsequently narrows his language repertoire within the host country. Parallel to one’s decrease in language repertoire, it is observed that migrants narrow their participation to a few communities that they are comfortable with. While migrants who migrate internally tend to broaden their participation in a wide array of communities, people who migrate internationally prefer to focus their efforts in interacting with a particular community where they feel most comfortable with. Joshua, expresses that: â€Å" I like to be in a place where I can interact with people well. When I came to Singapore, everybody spoke â€Å"Singlish†. It was especially hard for me to understand the jokes of my Singaporean friends. Thats why I wanted to be in a Christian group, so I went around to look for churches and even joined the varsity christian fellowship. Then I found a church cell group to be in and we could talk about common things, at least everyone there understands what I am going through when I talk about my struggles and life. I don’t meet with the Indian community much because everyone here speaks English anyway and I am more comfortable speaking in English, so when I talk about God and faith, I don’t get any puzzled looks when I am with church people†. For most immigrants, being in a foreign community could be unsettling because there exists stark differences in culture that they might not understand. In Joshua’s case, not being able to understand Singlish hindered his active participation in various communities, especially in understanding humour within the sociocultural context of Singaporean society. As such, by participating in communities with specific shared beliefs that the migrant can identify with, it could be easier for him to assimilate into a new environment. Communities with shared beliefs also tend to share a similar use of register in their daily speech. Drawing on Joshua’s case of finding a christian community, a christian setting could be more comfortable for him because he understands the semantics of words such as â€Å"communion† and â€Å"faith† used frequently in that community. Additionally, by narrowing one’s participation to few communities, individuals would have more time to spend more effort on forging closer relationships within a particular communities. This in turn could be more beneficial to the migrant as this niche area of society provides a source of emotional support for the migrant in order to cope with the anxiety of being away from home. Conclusion What Joshua has experienced demonstrates the constant change of the value of language resources as he shifts between places in migration. This relative value of one’s linguistic resources is largely due to cultural and socioeconomic factors that have shaped the community to place emphasis on certain languages and speech styles. As such, an immigrant’s increase or decrease language repertoire is largely affected by the placed importance of certain languages within their host communities. In conclusion, this paper has asserts that language mobility is profoundly affected by the changing values of linguistic resources which vary from place to place, especially when there is a shift of resources from the periphery to the core of the world system. Whether one participates in a wide number of communities or chooses to focus their efforts in a single community depends on a change in one’s use of his language repertoire. References 0. Blommaert, J. (2003). Commentary: A Sociolinguistics of Globalization. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7/4, 2003: 607-623 0. Crystal, D. (1990). A Liturgical Language in a Sociolinguistic Perspective. In D. & R. C. D. Jasper (eds),Language and the worship of the church (Basingstoke: Macmillan), 120-46 0. Laitin D. D. (1989). Language Policy and Political Strategy in India. Policy Sciences, Vol. 22, No. 3/4, Policymaking in Developing Countries (1989), pp. 415-436 0. Welch F. (1970). ‘’Education in Production’, Journal of Political Economy, 78 (1), January/February, 35-59.

Linguistic Changes of an Individual in Migration Essay

Introduction and Overview of Topic: As the world becomes increasingly globalised, we observe a rising trend where individuals migrate for educational and economic opportunities. The prestige of being educated in a highly ranked university and the prospects of higher paying jobs are definitely important pull factors for both internal and international migration (Welch, 1970). When people move, they also transfer the use of their existing linguistic repertoire to their host country. However, what might have been effective at home might be interpreted differently when placed in different socioeconomic contexts. Hence, the relative value of linguistic repertoire one possesses and how mobile are one’s language skills in the world determines how a migrant interacts with a new community. Consequently, this paper seeks to provide insight on how the relative value of linguistic resources affects one’s mobility and decisions in community interactions. Drawing on Blommaert’s study on the sociolinguistics of globalisation, this discussion will focus on how an individual’s linguistic repertoire is being used to one’s advantage within the community. It also highlights the changes which occur when one attempts to transfer the same linguistic repertoire as the shift to a place of varying cultural and linguistic ability. As Blommaert suggests, â€Å"placed resources are resources that are functional in one particular place but can become dysfunctional as soon as they are moved to other places† (Blommaert, 2003). Essentially, this essay seeks to expound on the changes of one’s linguistic repertoire and how it affects one’s interactions with new communities resulting from migration. Linguistic repertoire refers to linguistic varieties acquired by an individual to different degrees of proficiency and for different uses (Crystal, 1990). The acquisition of linguistic repertoire thus extends not only to the procurement of different types of language codes like English and Hindi, but also the speech styles and genres within each language. In light of this definition, this paper chooses to trace how one’s use of language repertoire might change in the context of internal migration and  international migration. With this in mind, a migrant from India who experienced both types of migration was chosen. India boasts twenty-two official languages as per the Constitution of India, where English is determined as the secondary official language and is used as lingua franca throughout India. Within the context of this paper, the experiences of the migrant serve to provide personal insight on language mobility within the transmigrational arena. Research methodology and background of interviewee  With this in mind, a fifty minute interview was carried out on 16th October 2012 to gather substantial data in order to provide a comparison between internal and international migration. The sole participant is Joshua Cherian, aged 24 who is currently pursuing a postgraduate education in Singapore. He was born and raised in Kerala, Southern India, after which he moved to Jamshedpur, Northern India to pursue a tertiary education before working in New Delhi. He was taught English at a young age and learnt Hindi during university, while his mother tongue is Malayalam. During the interview, questions were asked ranging from the interviewee’s experiences of language acquisition and his experiences in India and Singapore to language policies in India. Utilising his personal insights on adapting to different communities and observing it through the concepts provided in Blommaert’s study, the relative value of linguistic repertoire consequently becomes more obvious not only from country to country but also within different areas of the community. Language repertoire in internal migration. Within India, it is said to have a de-facto three plus minus one language policy. Those who neither speak the language of the state nor the two official languages, English and Hindi, now have to grapple with learning four languages in order to pass the school systems and secure jobs within the modern sector (Laitin. D, 1989). Consequently, many people who migrate in the pursuit of education or jobs find it necessary to expand their language repertoire in order to compete for the chance of upward socioeconomic mobility within India. Joshua notes that: â€Å"There is a divide between the corporate world and industrial world, where managers and people in multinational companies speak in english, but those in manufacturing speak Hindi in work. In the north of India everyone speaks Hindi, so I had to learn Hindi. When I worked in Delhi, I spoke mostly Hindi in my workplace, because I am a manager of labourers and those who just passed tenth standard, they just need to make something so they don’t need English. People who do software need to interact with clients overseas, so it is important for them to speak English. † Due the demands of his job, Joshua was required to expand his language repertoire to include fluent Hindi in order to communicate with his subordinates effectively. Although English could have sufficed in interacting with white-collar professionals, learning Hindi would have enabled Joshua to ensure a smooth running of operations that he was in charge with. As such, it is observed that migrants tend to expand their language repertoire within internal migration according to which languages are most functional within their community. Furthermore, an expansion of linguistic repertoire also affects one’s interaction the community. As immigrants acquire proficiency in more languages, there is a tendency to broaden their participation in various communities within the area that they have settled in. This is especially evident in Joshua’s recount: â€Å"In India you would have to know many languages in order to fit into different communities. University students will use English because it is prestigious. It shows you are well educated. Outside of the education system, everyone speaks their own dialect or their own state language. I used to hang out with many friends when I was studying in Jamshedpur who came from all over India. I also managed to become my student governing body’s president, so speaking the many languages helped me reach out to a lot of people. † Even though migrants who migrate within their home country experience a new environment, there are common cultural familiarities that they can relate to by being in the same country. Naturally, this allows them to assimilate into the communities easily since they already share similar cultural and national identities. Rather, this pre-existing factor enables immigrants like Joshua to interact with different groups of people. Such a preference is also extremely beneficial to an individual within a new community as they are able to called upon a large network of acquaintances should they need help in the future. Hence, the broadening of one’s interaction with many communities would be positively correlated to the acquisition of language repertoire because both serve the same purpose of helping the migrant assimilate well into the new environment they are in. Language Repertoire in International Migration In contrast to internal migration, one’s use of language repertoire might decrease across different geographical spaces. It is noted that international migration denotes a shift to a foreign culture in which the values placed upon certain languages is different from one’s original country. As such, many migrants would utilise a language within their repertoire that is widely used in the world. Joshua relates his experience moving from India to Singapore: â€Å"When I first arrived in Singapore, everything was easy for me to get used to because I was already proficient in English. Even if I needed help, I could just approach anyone and they would reply me in English. I don’t even Hindi anymore because the friends and people I meet with speak only in English. Perhaps it is because there are so many races here so communication needs to be in a common language. Although I have friends from India here, they never speak in their mother tongue! Everyone would rather speak in English than Hindi! Despite Joshua’s extensive language repertoire, he only speaks in English in Singapore, thereby showing a decrease in language repertoire employed in daily life. In most cases of international migration, migrants often move from the ‘periphery’ to the ‘core’ of the world system. As one attempts to transfer one’s language repertoire from one country to another, the languages employed more frequently within the core global system would be more mobile compared to other languages. In particular, because Singapore is a multi-racial community, it requires English as a lingua franca in order to achieve cohesiveness and efficiency. Consequently, rather than expanding one’s linguistic repertoire to gain access to every community, a migrant in Singapore need only focus on speaking proficient English, which subsequently narrows his language repertoire within the host country. Parallel to one’s decrease in language repertoire, it is observed that migrants narrow their participation to a few communities that they are comfortable with. While migrants who migrate internally tend to broaden their participation in a wide array of communities, people who migrate internationally prefer to focus their efforts in interacting with a particular community where they feel most comfortable with. Joshua, expresses that: â€Å" I like to be in a place where I can interact with people well. When I came to Singapore, everybody spoke â€Å"Singlish†. It was especially hard for me to understand the jokes of my Singaporean friends. Thats why I wanted to be in a Christian group, so I went around to look for churches and even joined the varsity christian fellowship. Then I found a church cell group to be in and we could talk about common things, at least everyone there understands what I am going through when I talk about my struggles and life. I don’t meet with the Indian community much because everyone here speaks English anyway and I am more comfortable speaking in English, so when I talk about God and faith, I don’t get any puzzled looks when I am with church people†. For most immigrants, being in a foreign community could be unsettling because there exists stark differences in culture that they might not understand. In Joshua’s case, not being able to understand Singlish hindered his active participation in various communities, especially in understanding humour within the sociocultural context of Singaporean society. As such, by participating in communities with specific shared beliefs that the migrant can identify with, it could be easier for him to assimilate into a new environment. Communities with shared beliefs also tend to share a similar use of register in their daily speech. Drawing on Joshua’s case of finding a christian community, a christian setting could be more comfortable for him because he understands the semantics of words such as â€Å"communion† and â€Å"faith† used frequently in that community. Additionally, by narrowing one’s participation to few communities, individuals would have more time to spend more effort on forging closer relationships within a particular communities. This in turn could be more beneficial to the migrant as this niche area of society provides a source of emotional support for the migrant in order to cope with the anxiety of being away from home. Conclusion What Joshua has experienced demonstrates the constant change of the value of language resources as he shifts between places in migration. This relative value of one’s linguistic resources is largely due to cultural and socioeconomic factors that have shaped the community to place emphasis on certain languages and speech styles. As such, an immigrant’s increase or decrease language repertoire is largely affected by the placed importance of certain languages within their host communities. In conclusion, this paper has asserts that language mobility is profoundly affected by the changing values of linguistic resources which vary from place to place, especially when there is a shift of resources from the periphery to the core of the world system. Whether one participates in a wide number of communities or chooses to focus their efforts in a single community depends on a change in one’s use of his language repertoire. References 0. Blommaert, J. (2003). Commentary: A Sociolinguistics of Globalization. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7/4, 2003: 607-623 0. Crystal, D. (1990). A Liturgical Language in a Sociolinguistic Perspective. In D. & R. C. D. Jasper (eds),Language and the worship of the church (Basingstoke: Macmillan), 120-46 0. Laitin D. D. (1989). Language Policy and Political Strategy in India. Policy Sciences, Vol. 22, No. 3/4, Policymaking in Developing Countries (1989), pp. 415-436 0. Welch F. (1970). ‘’Education in Production’, Journal of Political Economy, 78 (1), January/February, 35-59.

Linguistic Changes of an Individual in Migration Essay

Introduction and Overview of Topic: As the world becomes increasingly globalised, we observe a rising trend where individuals migrate for educational and economic opportunities. The prestige of being educated in a highly ranked university and the prospects of higher paying jobs are definitely important pull factors for both internal and international migration (Welch, 1970). When people move, they also transfer the use of their existing linguistic repertoire to their host country. However, what might have been effective at home might be interpreted differently when placed in different socioeconomic contexts. Hence, the relative value of linguistic repertoire one possesses and how mobile are one’s language skills in the world determines how a migrant interacts with a new community. Consequently, this paper seeks to provide insight on how the relative value of linguistic resources affects one’s mobility and decisions in community interactions. Drawing on Blommaert’s study on the sociolinguistics of globalisation, this discussion will focus on how an individual’s linguistic repertoire is being used to one’s advantage within the community. It also highlights the changes which occur when one attempts to transfer the same linguistic repertoire as the shift to a place of varying cultural and linguistic ability. As Blommaert suggests, â€Å"placed resources are resources that are functional in one particular place but can become dysfunctional as soon as they are moved to other places† (Blommaert, 2003). Essentially, this essay seeks to expound on the changes of one’s linguistic repertoire and how it affects one’s interactions with new communities resulting from migration. Linguistic repertoire refers to linguistic varieties acquired by an individual to different degrees of proficiency and for different uses (Crystal, 1990). The acquisition of linguistic repertoire thus extends not only to the procurement of different types of language codes like English and Hindi, but also the speech styles and genres within each language. In light of this definition, this paper chooses to trace how one’s use of language repertoire might change in the context of internal migration and  international migration. With this in mind, a migrant from India who experienced both types of migration was chosen. India boasts twenty-two official languages as per the Constitution of India, where English is determined as the secondary official language and is used as lingua franca throughout India. Within the context of this paper, the experiences of the migrant serve to provide personal insight on language mobility within the transmigrational arena. Research methodology and background of interviewee  With this in mind, a fifty minute interview was carried out on 16th October 2012 to gather substantial data in order to provide a comparison between internal and international migration. The sole participant is Joshua Cherian, aged 24 who is currently pursuing a postgraduate education in Singapore. He was born and raised in Kerala, Southern India, after which he moved to Jamshedpur, Northern India to pursue a tertiary education before working in New Delhi. He was taught English at a young age and learnt Hindi during university, while his mother tongue is Malayalam. During the interview, questions were asked ranging from the interviewee’s experiences of language acquisition and his experiences in India and Singapore to language policies in India. Utilising his personal insights on adapting to different communities and observing it through the concepts provided in Blommaert’s study, the relative value of linguistic repertoire consequently becomes more obvious not only from country to country but also within different areas of the community. Language repertoire in internal migration. Within India, it is said to have a de-facto three plus minus one language policy. Those who neither speak the language of the state nor the two official languages, English and Hindi, now have to grapple with learning four languages in order to pass the school systems and secure jobs within the modern sector (Laitin. D, 1989). Consequently, many people who migrate in the pursuit of education or jobs find it necessary to expand their language repertoire in order to compete for the chance of upward socioeconomic mobility within India. Joshua notes that: â€Å"There is a divide between the corporate world and industrial world, where managers and people in multinational companies speak in english, but those in manufacturing speak Hindi in work. In the north of India everyone speaks Hindi, so I had to learn Hindi. When I worked in Delhi, I spoke mostly Hindi in my workplace, because I am a manager of labourers and those who just passed tenth standard, they just need to make something so they don’t need English. People who do software need to interact with clients overseas, so it is important for them to speak English. † Due the demands of his job, Joshua was required to expand his language repertoire to include fluent Hindi in order to communicate with his subordinates effectively. Although English could have sufficed in interacting with white-collar professionals, learning Hindi would have enabled Joshua to ensure a smooth running of operations that he was in charge with. As such, it is observed that migrants tend to expand their language repertoire within internal migration according to which languages are most functional within their community. Furthermore, an expansion of linguistic repertoire also affects one’s interaction the community. As immigrants acquire proficiency in more languages, there is a tendency to broaden their participation in various communities within the area that they have settled in. This is especially evident in Joshua’s recount: â€Å"In India you would have to know many languages in order to fit into different communities. University students will use English because it is prestigious. It shows you are well educated. Outside of the education system, everyone speaks their own dialect or their own state language. I used to hang out with many friends when I was studying in Jamshedpur who came from all over India. I also managed to become my student governing body’s president, so speaking the many languages helped me reach out to a lot of people. † Even though migrants who migrate within their home country experience a new environment, there are common cultural familiarities that they can relate to by being in the same country. Naturally, this allows them to assimilate into the communities easily since they already share similar cultural and national identities. Rather, this pre-existing factor enables immigrants like Joshua to interact with different groups of people. Such a preference is also extremely beneficial to an individual within a new community as they are able to called upon a large network of acquaintances should they need help in the future. Hence, the broadening of one’s interaction with many communities would be positively correlated to the acquisition of language repertoire because both serve the same purpose of helping the migrant assimilate well into the new environment they are in. Language Repertoire in International Migration In contrast to internal migration, one’s use of language repertoire might decrease across different geographical spaces. It is noted that international migration denotes a shift to a foreign culture in which the values placed upon certain languages is different from one’s original country. As such, many migrants would utilise a language within their repertoire that is widely used in the world. Joshua relates his experience moving from India to Singapore: â€Å"When I first arrived in Singapore, everything was easy for me to get used to because I was already proficient in English. Even if I needed help, I could just approach anyone and they would reply me in English. I don’t even Hindi anymore because the friends and people I meet with speak only in English. Perhaps it is because there are so many races here so communication needs to be in a common language. Although I have friends from India here, they never speak in their mother tongue! Everyone would rather speak in English than Hindi! Despite Joshua’s extensive language repertoire, he only speaks in English in Singapore, thereby showing a decrease in language repertoire employed in daily life. In most cases of international migration, migrants often move from the ‘periphery’ to the ‘core’ of the world system. As one attempts to transfer one’s language repertoire from one country to another, the languages employed more frequently within the core global system would be more mobile compared to other languages. In particular, because Singapore is a multi-racial community, it requires English as a lingua franca in order to achieve cohesiveness and efficiency. Consequently, rather than expanding one’s linguistic repertoire to gain access to every community, a migrant in Singapore need only focus on speaking proficient English, which subsequently narrows his language repertoire within the host country. Parallel to one’s decrease in language repertoire, it is observed that migrants narrow their participation to a few communities that they are comfortable with. While migrants who migrate internally tend to broaden their participation in a wide array of communities, people who migrate internationally prefer to focus their efforts in interacting with a particular community where they feel most comfortable with. Joshua, expresses that: â€Å" I like to be in a place where I can interact with people well. When I came to Singapore, everybody spoke â€Å"Singlish†. It was especially hard for me to understand the jokes of my Singaporean friends. Thats why I wanted to be in a Christian group, so I went around to look for churches and even joined the varsity christian fellowship. Then I found a church cell group to be in and we could talk about common things, at least everyone there understands what I am going through when I talk about my struggles and life. I don’t meet with the Indian community much because everyone here speaks English anyway and I am more comfortable speaking in English, so when I talk about God and faith, I don’t get any puzzled looks when I am with church people†. For most immigrants, being in a foreign community could be unsettling because there exists stark differences in culture that they might not understand. In Joshua’s case, not being able to understand Singlish hindered his active participation in various communities, especially in understanding humour within the sociocultural context of Singaporean society. As such, by participating in communities with specific shared beliefs that the migrant can identify with, it could be easier for him to assimilate into a new environment. Communities with shared beliefs also tend to share a similar use of register in their daily speech. Drawing on Joshua’s case of finding a christian community, a christian setting could be more comfortable for him because he understands the semantics of words such as â€Å"communion† and â€Å"faith† used frequently in that community. Additionally, by narrowing one’s participation to few communities, individuals would have more time to spend more effort on forging closer relationships within a particular communities. This in turn could be more beneficial to the migrant as this niche area of society provides a source of emotional support for the migrant in order to cope with the anxiety of being away from home. Conclusion What Joshua has experienced demonstrates the constant change of the value of language resources as he shifts between places in migration. This relative value of one’s linguistic resources is largely due to cultural and socioeconomic factors that have shaped the community to place emphasis on certain languages and speech styles. As such, an immigrant’s increase or decrease language repertoire is largely affected by the placed importance of certain languages within their host communities. In conclusion, this paper has asserts that language mobility is profoundly affected by the changing values of linguistic resources which vary from place to place, especially when there is a shift of resources from the periphery to the core of the world system. Whether one participates in a wide number of communities or chooses to focus their efforts in a single community depends on a change in one’s use of his language repertoire. References 0. Blommaert, J. (2003). Commentary: A Sociolinguistics of Globalization. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7/4, 2003: 607-623 0. Crystal, D. (1990). A Liturgical Language in a Sociolinguistic Perspective. In D. & R. C. D. Jasper (eds),Language and the worship of the church (Basingstoke: Macmillan), 120-46 0. Laitin D. D. (1989). Language Policy and Political Strategy in India. Policy Sciences, Vol. 22, No. 3/4, Policymaking in Developing Countries (1989), pp. 415-436 0. Welch F. (1970). ‘’Education in Production’, Journal of Political Economy, 78 (1), January/February, 35-59.

Friday, January 10, 2020

General Electric Essay

General Electric is an American conglomerate currently ranked #9 on the Fortune 500 list. The firm operates in four primary business segments; Energy, Technology Infrastructure, Capital Finance and Consumer / Industrial. Headquartered in Fairfield, CT, General Electric has grown over the past 122 years into a financial behemoth realizing revenue in excess of $146 billion in 2013. Throughout its existence, General Electric has demonstrated an inconsistent record in terms of ethical governance and responsible business practices. Like many of its peers, the firm endured a number of scandals, particularly in the late 1990’s and into the 2000’s. In response to these issues and in accordance with the Sarbanes-Oxley Act passed in 2002, General Electric has transformed its business practices and is now recognized as one of the more respected players in the world of corporate governance and honorable business practices. Contemporary business practices exercised by the firm have earned numerous accolades including: – #6 Best Global Brand (Interbrand) – #10 Most Admired Company (Fortune) – #180 Greenest Company (Newsweek) To understand how this corporate evolution occurred, we need to understand the organizational structure and managerial best practices utilized by General Electric and the nature of the legislation that necessitated this institutional change. What is Sarbanes-Oxley? The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 (SOX) is a federal law that mandated new or enhanced standards for all U.S. public company boards, management and public accounting firms. Drafted in response to a number of high-profile corporate scandals that occurred in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s by U.S. Senator Paul Sarbanes and U.S. Representative Michael Oxley; the legislation imposed several powerful mechanisms designed to curb corporate malfeasance and to protect investors. The most significant of these mechanisms included individual certification of corporate financial statements by top management, increased penalties for fraudulent activity and the separation of auditing and consulting functions in outside business agencies. (www.soxlaw.com) The overarching effect of this legislation was the increased scrutiny of financial statements submitted by publicly traded  companies and growing corporate auditing expenditures. (Sidime, 2007) Board Composition: structure and governa nce General Electric has been a progressive company in terms of Board composition and governance. (see composition matrix – attached)For decades, the company has demonstrated a desire to promote diversity in governance from three primary perspectives: gender, race and age. In addition, General Electric had historically satisfied many of the obligations outlined in the Sarbanes Oxley legislation well in advance of its passage including listing the definition of individual committees and the number of committee meetings. (General Electric Annual Report – 2000) One potential conflict that exists with the General Electric governance strategy is the combination of President / CEO and Chairman roles. This is a practice that the company has exercised since Ralph Cordiner combined these responsibilities in 1958 and continues today with Jeffrey Immelt serving in the role since 2001. An additional challenge that exists within the Board structure of General Electric is the lack of ter m limits. Nominated individuals are approved annually through a majority of votes present and may continue to serve indefinitely. This issue was debated recently when shareholders proposed a 15 year term limit of Board service along with separation of the CEO / Board Chair role. The measure was defeated in a lopsided vote held during the company’s April 2013 Board meeting. (Catts, 2013) Audit Committee Consisted of outside directors. Held 5 meetings in 2000. Reviewed the activities and independence of GE’s independent auditors as well as the firm’s financial reporting processes. Composed of independent directors. Held 11 meetings in 2003. â€Å"to review the activities and independence of GE’s external auditorsand the activities of GE’s internal audit staff†¦also reviewed GE’s system of disclosure controls and procedures.† Composed of independent directors. Held 12 meetings in 2013. Primary responsibilities include: selection of independent auditor, review the independent audit, oversee the firm’s financial reporting activities and accounting standards. Tenure Combination of cash & stock. $75,000 annual base plus $2,000 per meeting. Combination of cash & stock. $250,000 base, 10% premium for service on auditing or compensation committee. Removed contingent service reward of 5,000 shares. Combination of cash, stock & other. $250,000 base. Average compensation = $302,457 The moral of the story as it relates to Board structure and Governance within General Electric is that while the firm did work to shore up its regulatory and oversight positions post SOX; the company had exercised the basic principles outlined in the legislation for some time. Performance Metrics & Executive Compensation General Electric has functioned for decades under the philosophy of hiring, motivating, rewarding and retaining its executive leaders through compensation. The company has maintained an executive compensation model that includes salary, bonuses and stock options as the vehicle to achieve this goal for decades. While the total compensation packages at the highest levels of leadership are not as lucrative as they once were – General Electric has adapted its compensation policies in order to remain competitive and compliant in an evolving business environment. 2000 – Jack Welch In the year 2000, Jack Welch stood without peer in the world of American business. Recently named â€Å"Manager of the Century† by Fortune Magazine, (Colvin, 1999) General Electric increased revenues to nearly $130 billion. During this year Mr. Welch earned $16,700,000 in salary and bonus. In addition, Mr. Welch was granted 3,000,000 stock options which became exercisable upon retirement as well as 850,000 restricted stock options. The later options were granted by the board in appreciation of 20 years of service to GE. Furthermore, Mr. Welch was granted a split-dollar life insurance policy contingent upon execution of a personal consulting contract (up to 30 days annually) at the discretion of the acting CEO. Final terms of the consulting contract and retirement package are not listed, but the value is estimated to be north of $420 million. 2003 – Jeffrey Immelt Jeffrey Immelt emerged as the new CEO of General Electric following a highly publicized succession process in 2001. Perhaps due to his relatively short tenure to this point, but more likely due to the passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act; overall executive compensation was revised at General Electric in 2003. In addition to a more responsible base salary, executive bonuses and stock options were much more clearly outlined and defined in the 2003 proxy statement. While the Board Compensation Committee does state: â€Å"We  rely upon judgement and not rigid guidelines or formulas or short-term changes in our stock price in determining the amount and mix of compensation elements for each executive officer† official documents include an element of specificity not previously available to investors. Mr. Immelt was paid a $3,000,000 base salary and bonuses totaling $4,325,000 – a 10% increase from the previous year. In addition, Mr. Immelt was granted 250,000 performance share units in lieu of stock options. This is the most significant change related to executive compensation policies that occurred at General Electric post SOX. From the 2003 GE Proxy Statement: â€Å"These performance share units are intended to recognize the unique position of the GE CEO. The committee believes that the CEO of GE needs no retention compensation, and that his equity compensation should be focused entirely on performance and alignment with investors.† This change in policy effectively linked 50% of the CEO’s equity compensation directly to the company’s cash generation performance; the remaining 50% would only convert to shares if specific shareholder return metrics were met. In short; the better the performance of the firm – the better the compensation for Mr. Immelt. Finally, select executives at GE (including Mr. Immelt) were granted 3-year performance incentive awards. These award s would be paid only upon achievement of unlisted specified goals related to: earnings per share, revenue growth, return on total capital and cumulative cash generated. 2013 – Jeffrey Immelt Today, the evolution of executive compensation continues at General Electric. The 2013 Proxy Report provides a thorough and defined description of all elements and metrics used to determine final executive compensation. Following essentially the same compensation model initiated in 2003, Jeffrey Immelt realized total compensation (including projected pension value) of $20,592,769. Leadership, Ethics & Firm Values General Electric is a perfect case study in the evolution of an American business. Formed in 1892 primarily as an electric company, the firm has grown into a global dynamo. Today the company operates in several areas including finance, appliances and power systems. This type of evolution and growth does not happen by accident, it is the result of visionary leadership  Ã¢â‚¬â€œ a quality that has existed within GE for a century. Founded by one of this country’s greatest innovators, General Electric has embodied the vision of Thomas Edison since its inception. The company has dabbled, innovated and revolutionized a number of industries throughout its existence. This truth is a testament to the men that have lead the organization throughout the years. (see past leaders – attached) More recently, present-day General Electric has been molded primarily by two individuals who utilized their personal skill to direct the company through a challenging time. Jack Welch (1980 â⠂¬â€œ 2001) Jack Welch joined GE in 1960 as a junior chemical engineer. Early in his tenure, Welch considered leaving the organization citing a frustration with an overwhelming bureaucracy that existed within the firm. Welch was convinced to stay and worked his way up the ranks becoming Chairman and CEO in 1980. Welch became one of the most successful executives in the history of the United States during his tenure, growing the value of the company by 4000%. He accomplished this by imposing leadership efficiency practices throughout the company. Welch promoted strong businesses by limiting bureaucratic inefficiencies, trimming inventory and closing factories. His governing philosophy at GE was that a company should either be number 1 or number 2 in a particular industry or it should get out of that business. Welch adopted Motorola’s Six Sigma quality program in 1995 to further streamline operating efficiencies. In addition, Welch instituted a rigorous method of assessing organizational performance and leadership termed Session C. The goal of this program is to provide feedback and identify talent to managers within the organization. During Jack Welch’s tenure, General Electric became wildly profitable and became recognized as the preeminent organization in terms of operating efficiency and profitability. Mr. Welch’s methods, while successful were generally autocratic and focused on two specific issues: profitability and legal compliance. Jeffrey Immelt (2001 – present) Jeff Immelt was groomed to lead General Electric from a young age. Immelt’s father worked for GE in the Aircraft Engines Division. After receiving his A.B. in Applied Mathematics from Dartmouth College, Immelt earned an M.B.A.  from Harvard. Jeffrey Immelt formally joined General Electric in 1982 and began his professional ascent. Following a public and high-profile transition; Immelt was challenged with the difficult task of replacing legendary GE CEO Jack Welch in 2001. Immelt was immediately dealt two unparalleled challenges upon assuming the position – the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 and to a lesser extent the public backlash attached to the prominent accounting scandals that occurred at the turn of the century. Immelt began to create an impact immediately, adopting a more people-oriented approach to management than the efficiency-minded approach that had governed GE for the preceding two decades. Immelt launched a series of effectiveness-oriented meas ures that encouraged innovation and risk-taking. Immelt also began to look to developing markets in search of opportunity. Finally, Jeffrey Immelt moved GE’s operational focus to areas not previously considered: concentration on long-term growth over short-term gains, infrastructure development with an emphasis on green energy and increased marketing efforts focused on social responsibility. The contrast between these two vastly different yet extremely effective leaders provides an interesting snapshot of the effects of the evolution in American business following the corporate scandals of the late 1990’s and early 2000’s. While General Electric was not directly attached to a major scandal during that era, the timing of GE’s leadership transition was fortuitous. While there is certainly room for a chicken vs. egg debate regarding the change in managerial philosophy at GE; the change in leadership at the top of the company definitely provided an opportunity to shift course in the post-SOX business world. Corporate Sustainability & Social Responsibility Similar to many traditional American manufacturing powers, General Electric did not exercise sustainable business practices for the bulk of its existence. This, of course, was not uncommon in American industry. However, at the turn of the century, the first mention of social responsibility appeared in a GE company document. â€Å"Integrity: the Spirit and the Letter of Our Commitment† was a comprehensive document outlining the company’s policies related to privacy, supplier relationships, working with governments, environment, health and safety. The initial draft of this document was essentially a rule book seeking to achieve legal compliance in  the various nations where General Electric conducted business. The following year, (2001) two share owner proposals sought to amend and bolster the â€Å"Integrity† statement – Share Owner Proposal No. 2; which attempted to â€Å"improve the quality of life for employees and their communities† by allowing collective bargaining, eliminating discrimination & intimidation and promoting free labor, as well as Share Owner Proposal No. 3 which called for the Board to discontinue and renounce a PR campaign initiated by the General Electric Company that downplayed the dangerous effects of PCB’s dumped in the Hudson river by the company. The GE Board of Directors voted against both proposals. The reality of the Board’s actions demonstrates that the early years of General Electric’s sustainability and social responsibility programs were based in superficial statements only. In 2003, General Electric launched an interactive, electronic version of its Annual Report. This new medium included a section devoted to the â€Å"Citizenship† initiatives active within the company. The two paragraph overview acknowledged the need for a modern corporation to practice environmental compliance, leadership in corporate governance and high ethical standards. The document lists various social programs supported by the organization and its employees including nebulous philanthropic and volunteer efforts. While a step in the right direction, an outside observer may still question the level of commitment GE expressed to its sustainable programming. The strategy did not contain the measurable, quantifiable objectives r equired to effectively execute a large-scale sustainability program. (Epstein, 2003) Today, General Electric has created and maintains a robust, independent website dedicated to corporate sustainability. www.gesustainability.com outlines GE’s commitment to long-term sustainable business practices including: internal processes, (people, governance, compliance and health & safety) sustainability initiatives (health, energy & climate, water and natural resources) and progress (public policy, grassroots activism, lobbying, human rights and research). Most importantly, the site lists and outlines performance metrics used to govern their processes including the GRI G3 Sustainability Reporting Guidelines. The end result of the GE sustainability program has been a complete remake of the GE brand identity. Today; General Electric is recognized as a leader in corporate and social responsibility, receiving accolades from: The Human  Rights Campaign, (Corporate Equality) CR Magazine, (100 Best Corporate Citizens) Dow Jones Sustainability Index (Sustainable Business Prac tices) and the US President’s Volunteer Service Award amongst many others. In summary, General Electric is not a company without fault. Issues with comingling of responsibility at the top, lack of diversity in executives, and a series of accounting scandals in the early 2000’s are a few of the complications that the organization has witnessed. However; in terms of the ability of a large corporation to evolve in order to remain relevant throughout time, GE has fared better than most. Resources – Catts, T. (2013, April 24). GE investors reject 15-year term limits for board members. Bloomberg. Retrieved from www.bloomberg.com/news /2013-04-24/ge-investors-reject-15-year-term-limits-for-board-members.html – Colvin, G (1999, November 22). The ultimate manager in time of hidebound, formulaic thinking, General Electric’s Jack Welch gave power to the worker and the shareholder. He built one hell of a company in the process. Fortune. Retrieved from www.archive.fortune.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/1999/11/22/269126/index.htm – Epstein, M. & Roy, M. (2003). Improving sustainability performance: specifying, implementing and measuring key principals. Journal of General Management. Vol.29, No. 1 2003. – Sidime, A. (2007, February 18). The good and bad of Sarbanes-oxley. San Antonio Express-News. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/262392306?accountid=12381 – Rachel, E.S. (2002, October 29). GE adds 2 outside directors in move to boost governance. Wall Street Journal. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/398860308?accountid=12381 – Watson, I. (2002, June 30). GE caught up in US accounting scandal. Knight Ridder Tribune Business News. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/462671234?accountid=12381 – General Electric Corporation. Wikipedia. Retrieved from www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/general_electric – Jack Welch. Wikipedia. Retrieved from www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jack_welch – Jeffrey Immelt. Wikipedia. Retrieved from www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jeffrey_immelt – General Electric Proxy Statements. (2000,2003,2013). SEC. Retrieved from www.sec.gov/archives/edgar/data – The Spirit & The Letter (.pdf). GE.com. Retrieved from www.ge.com/files/usa/commitment – www.soxlaw.com

Thursday, January 2, 2020

William Shakespeares Henry V Essay - 1362 Words

William Shakespeares Henry V Shakespeares, Henry V, was written in the late sixteenth century, this composition will focus upon how Shakespeare portrayed Henry V, using factual knowledge and Shakespeares own interpretation. I will look at the character, language, structure and history of the play. Most Shakespearian, historical, plays were based upon Holinsheads Chronicles, these were mostly true but often Shakespeare adjusted the figures and facts to emphasise parts of his plays, and create tension and drama, such as when he is attempting to woo Katherine, to make a more interesting play. Many of Shakespeares plays were historical, based upon actual happenings. Henry V was one of these†¦show more content†¦At the beginning of the play the Bishop reminds Ely that Henry was once wild and offensive, The breath no sooner left his fathers body but that his wildness, mortified in him seemed to die too: yea, at that very moment consideration, like an angel came and whipped the offending Adam out of him. However Ely refers to the good in Henry, The strawberry groweth underneath the nettle Ely is saying that Henry was still growing, surrounded by people who are bad, but is still a good person underneath that eventually blossomed and became a good person. This is a good example of Shakespeares imagery. He needed lots of imagery as the stage and scenery were very sparse and the actors were nothing more than peasants. Prologues in a number of Elizabethan plays were used to set the scene, give important information and ask the audience for applause. Acting during these times was also incredibly poor, so prologues helped compensate for this. Shakespeares interpretation of Henry V makes him a very controversial character. On one side he makes Henry look like a heroic figure, on the other, a ruthless, uncaring king. This shows that Shakespeare tried to make the play more realistic, by showing the Henry was not just good or bad, but changed his attitudes to accommodate different situations . Examples of this can be found when before the great battles in which he manipulatesShow MoreRelatedEssay on William Shakespeares Henry V1505 Words   |  7 PagesWilliam Shakespeares Henry V Shakespeares plays can be divided into three distinct categories: histories, romances and comedies. Henry the fifth is a history. Henry V is the last of four plays by William Shakespeare which tells of the rise of the house of Lancaster. It was written in 1599 but is set in 1415, two years after the death of his father and Henry has made a favourable impression on his courtiers and the clergy. He has constantly been encouraged to seizeRead MoreEssay on William Shakespeares Henry V1606 Words   |  7 PagesWilliam Shakespeares Henry V William Shakespeare is one of the most famous and influential writers of all time. His plays not only portray the past, but also aspects of love and hate, humour and tragedy. Henry V, written by Shakespeare, using Raphael Holinsheds historical chronicles, appealed to many of the citizens of that time, as it presented an insight into their countrys past, as well as feel-good nationalism. It would have been performed on stage at a timeRead More Leadership in William Shakespeares Henry V Essay3276 Words   |  14 PagesLeadership in William Shakespeares Henry V At the time when Henry V was written in 1599, Englandwas in chaos, facing many dilemmas. The country was coming to the end of the Elizabethan era. Queen Elizabeth was in the final years of her reign and she was getting old, which must be taken into consideration. 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